r 


V2W3 


UC-NRLF 


AMERICAS  DEBT 


TO 


THOMAS    PAINE, 


BY 


L  K.  WASHBURN. 


BOSTON: 

Press  of  Coburn  Bros.,  15  Water  Street. 

1878. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2007  with  funding  from 

IVIicrosoft  Corporation 


http://www.archive.org/details/americasdebttothOOwashrich 


ViM 


America's  Debt  to  Thomas  Paine. 


No  nation  at  the  present  time  has  a  grander  destiny 
folded  within  its  powers  and  opportunities  than  the 
United  States  of  America.  Our  very  name  stands  for 
a  freedom  and  fellowship,  surpassing  in  possible  achieve- 
ment the  brighest  hopes  of  man.  We  are  a  free  people. 
We  love  liberty.  There  is,  in  the  breast  of  every  Amer- 
can  citizen,  an  instinct  of  freedom  which  resists  any  and  all 
attempts  to  encroach  upon  human  rights.  The  men  who 
made  freedom  a  fact  in  America,  and  united  the  States  in 
one  purpose,  have  been  eulogized  with  every  word  of  praise 
that  gratitude  could  coin  or  affection  employ.  We  have 
spoken  the  names  of  Washington,  Jefferson,  Franklin  and 
Adams  —  our  four  great  Americans  —  with  all  the  fondness 
that  the  world  has  for  countrymen,  and  all  the  love  that 
mankind  has  for  heroes.  But  there  was  no  man  who  threw 
into  the  struggle  for  American  Independence  a  clearer  head, 
a  braver  heart,  and  a  more  tireless  energy  than  the  man 
who,  though  born  in  England,  took  the  whole  world  for  his 
country, —  Thomas  Paine. 

This  man,  whom  America  to-day  is  ashamed  to  honor, 
did  as  much  to  put  the  crown  of  Liberty  upon  the  forehead 
of  our  nation  as  any  of  those  men  whose  names  are  enshrined 
in  hallowed  remembrance,  from  Maine  to  California.  Would 
we  realize  the  power  that  Paine  possessed,  we  must  turn 
back  the  pages  of  history  and  read  over  this  man's  life  and 
the  record  of  his  services  in  the  cause  of  liberty.  Paine's 
name  has  been  covered  with  obloquy  by  the  Christian 
church,  and  the  bold  patriot,  the  brilliant  writer,  the  fear- 
less friend,  the  man,  has  been  forgotten,  while  the  creation 


M3420S0 


of  a  church's  hate  and  a  people's  wrong  has  borne  his 
name,  and  that  name  has  been  banned  in  all  pious  circles 
as  the  name  of  an  infidel,  an  atheist,  an  inebriate,  and  a 
bad  man.  Paine's  name ;  that  was  a  terror  to  the  royal 
powers  of  England ;  Paine's  name ;  that  was  an  inspiration 
to  the  American  forces  fighting  for  liberty  and  peace; 
Paine's  name ;  that  lighted  up  the  councils  of  our  nation 
in  those  dark  hours  when  defeat  seemed  certain  and  the 
dream  of  freedom  about  to  end  in  despair ;  Paine's  name ; 
that  was  applauded  by  the  public  voice  and  spoken  with 
love  and  gratitude  in  private  where  his  generosity  and  kind, 
ness  had  alleviated  sorrow  and  want,  has  been  hooted  and 
scorned  by  a  populace  that  should  have  been  taught  to 
speak  it  with  pride,  and  honor  it  with  reverence.  It  is  little 
to  give  honof  to  such  a  man  as  Thomas  Paine  at  this  late  hour, 
the  man  to  whom  Americans  should  erect  a  monument  of 
praise.  No  voice  so  truly  proclaimed  our  rights,  no  voice 
so  nobly  defended  our  cause.  No  man,  et  home  or  abroad* 
was  more  fearless  for  political  and  religious  liberty,  and  it 
is  due  the  memory  of  this  great  man,  this  true  friend  of 
human  liberty,  this  brave  champion  of  human  rights,  that 
Americans  should  bury  in  oblivion  the  foul  stigmas  that 
Christian  ministers  in  their  narrowness  and  bitterness  have 
fastened  to  his  name. 

Paine's  pen  did  as  much  as  Washington's  sword  to 
drive  from  our  land  the  hired  troops  of  British  tyranny. 
The  pamphlets  of  this  man's  brain  were  supplied  to  the 
patriot  army  as  regularly  as  were  powder  and  balls.  Paine's 
soul  too  high  for  falsehood ;  his  mind  too  bright  for  error  ; 
well  might  England  with  her  royalty  and  ritualism  denounce 
this  revolutionist ;  but  it  is  not  the  part  of  a  free  citizen  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  whose  independence  he  la- 
bored to  win,  and  whose  liberty  is  surer  for  his  existence  — 
to  join  in  the  denunciation.  "  Well  has  Thomas  Paine  been 
called  the  'man  of  three  countries  and  disowned  by  all.' 
England,  where  he  was  born,  cotild  not  forgive  his  love  of 


liberty ;  America,  whose  liberties  he  helped  to  achieve, 
could  not  forgive  his  love  of  truth ;  and  France,  whose  lib- 
erties he  labored  in  vain  to  fix  on  sure  foundations,  could 
not  forgive  his  love  of  mercy." 

This  man  has  been  the  sport  of  as  cruel  a  fate  as  ever 
pursued  the  path  of  mortal.  His  native  land  had  for  him 
only  a  prison ;  his  much-loved  France  carried  him  with 
shouts  of  triumph  and  pride  through  the  streets  one  day, 
and  the  next  threatened  him  with  death,  while  our  country 
refused  him  the  grave  he  desired.  Paine  had  but  to  hear 
the  cry  of  liberty  to  rush  to  her  rescue.  His  manhood  could 
not  stoop  to  king  or  priest.  His  loyalty  to  truth  made  him 
an  enemy  to  the  church,  and  his  love  of  man  made  him  hate 
the  priest.  If  ever  a  man  wore  through  life  the  breast-plate 
of  truth,  this  was  the  man.  If  ever  a  man  was  buried  in  the 
shroud  of  ingratitude,  then  was  Thomas  Paine. 

It  was  Paine^s  work  on  "  Common  Sense"  that  made 
the  American  Colonies  the  United  States.  On  this  work 
Jefferson  pointed  the  pen  that  declared  our  independence* 
and  Washington  whetted  the  sword  that  achieved  it.  All 
honor  then  to  the  memory  of  him  who  was  our  nation's  friend 
when  she  needed  one,  and  dishonor  be  to  those  who  refuse 
to  do  justice  to  his  memory. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  give  the  life  of  Thomas  Paine, 
only  to  give  enough  of  it  to  show  the  man  and  to  point  out 
in  some  measure  his  great  services  to  our  country. 

We  do  not  care  to  show  Paine  a  saint.  We  do  not 
labor  to  paint  an  object  of  worship  for  the  world's  sentiment 
to  kneel  to ;  our  task  will  be  to  show  how  brave  and  true  a 
man  he  was,  and  with  what  heroism  and  sacrifice  he  labored 
for  liberty.  I  do  not  like  perfect  men  (they  do  not  live  here 
on  earth),  much  less  do  I  like  a  great  man  perfect.  There 
were  faults  in  the  subject  of  this  sketch  which  we  have  no 
wish  to  hide  or  cover  up,  but  there  were  virtues  which  or- 
nament human  life,  which  have  been  denied  him  by  the 
world  too  long. 


6 

Thomas  iPaine  was  born  in  Thetford,  England,  on  the 
^     29th  day  of  January,  1737. 

We  will  pass  over  the  first  years  of  his  life,  as  they 
were  not  marked  by  any  events  which  possess  historical  inter- 
est. In  the  Fall  of  1774  Paine  sailed  for  America  with  letters 
of  recommendation  from  Franklin,  who  was  then  in  London. 
^Almost  immediately  upon  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia  he 
was  made  editor  of  the  Pennsylvania  Magazine,  and  it  is  in 
this  periodical  that  some  of  Paine's  most  beautiful  writings 
are  found.  Of  Paine*s  literary  abilities  much  has  been  said, 
his  enemies  as,serting  that  he  was  a  coarse  writer,  with  some 
boldness  of  thought  and  originality  of  expression,  but  with- 
out literary  culture  or  taste,  while  his  friends  have  ranked 
him  with  Goldsmith,  Congreve  and  Addison  for  elegance  of 
diction,  and  point  of  utterance.  His  style  is  clear,  forcible, 
and  independent.  He  had  no  master  in  literature  more 
than  in  politics  or  religion.  He  spoke  what  he  thought,  and 
his  language  as  well  as  his  thought  was  his  own.  One  is  con- 
stantly reminded  in  reading  the  works  of  Paine  that  he  cared 
only  to  be  sincere  to  his  idea.  He  wanted  no  false  robes  of 
rhetoric  to  adorn  the  form  of  truth.  He  used  plain  speech, 
and  dealt  in  simple,  but  chaste  language. 

The  charm  of  a  literary  life  to  such  a  man  as  Paine  was 
a  temptation  hard  to  resist,  but  his  great  love  of  humanity, 
which  was  intensified  to  a  passion  as  he  beheld  it  suffering 
from  tyranny  and  superstition,  turned  his  mind  from  con- 
templation of  nature  and  more  congenial  habits  to  the  vio- 
.  lent  but  useful  course  of  political  pursuits.  Paine's  char- 
/  acter,  as  the  world  best  knows  it,  is  that  of  a  revolutionist* 
He  was  a  man  of  convictions  ;  such  a  man  as  turns  the 
world  from  its  course  ;  such  a  man  as  stands  ready  in  some 
crisis  to  direct  and  command.  Paine  was  not  one  of  those 
negative  characters  that  are  borne  about  by  the  force  of 
events,  and  floated  into  notice  on  the  noisy  surface  of  popu- 
lar excitement,  but  he  was  a  positive  man ;  one  who  had 
the  power  to  shape  and  control  events.     This  was  the  part 


he  played  in  the  great  revolutionary  drama  that  was  acted 
on  this  Continent  a  century  ago,  and  if  his  brave,  manly 
figure  be  not  as  prominent  on  the  stage  of  military  action, 
it  is  because  he  was  filling  a  higher  place  and  performing  a 
greater  service.  We  have  not  space  to  give  the  history  of 
the  events  which  brought  the  American  people  to  the  morn- 
ing of  the  17th  of  June,  1775.  We  can  merely  assert  what 
is  matter  of  common  knowledge  —  that  previous  to  this  time 
the  idea  of  National  Independence  had  gained  no  considera- 
ble hold  upon  the  minds  of  the  people. 

In  October,  I774,the  American  Congress  then  assembled 
to  see  what  answer  should  be  made  to  the  question,  "Shall 
we  make  common  cause  with  Boston  ?"  in  their  resolutions, 
"declare  themselves  His  Majesty's  loyal  subjects.  They 
declare  that  they  are  Englishmen  and  want  only  English- 
men's rights,  and  ask  to  be  restored  to  the  situation  of 
1763."  No  thought  of  Independence  entered  into  the  de-  < 
liberations  of  this  Congress ;  and  the  next  spring,  when  the 
battles  of  Lexington  and  Concord  were  fought,  and  the 
Americans  organized  for  resistance,  with  Washington  as 
chief  commander,  it  was  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  regain- 
ing their  rights  as  loyal  subjects,  and  not  as  free  citizens  of 
an  independent  nation.  The  American  Congress  in  July, 
1775,  published  a  declaration  desiring  reconciliation  with 
Britain,  and  also  sent  a  petition  to  the  King.  After  wait- 
ing six  months  for  a  favorable  reply  to  the  petition  and  re- 
ceiving no  answer,  but  instead,  being  informed  that  a  large 
body  of  foreign  troops  was  to  be  brought  against  the  col- 
onists, hope  began  to  die  out,  and  fear  and  anger  excited 
the  hearts  of  the  people.  It  was  at  this  period  that  Thomas 
Paine  published  his  work  on  "Common  Sense,"  in  which 
he  "boldly  proposed  independence  as  the  best  way  out  of 
the  difficulties  into  which  they  had  plunged,  and  as  an  ob- 
ject alone  worth  fighting  for." 

This  work  seemed  a  stroke  of  fate.     It  went  like  a  con- 
viction to  the  people's  heart.     Opinion  was  changed.    He 


showed  that  there  could  be  a  better  government  than  the 
British,  and  he  opened  the  eyes  of  the  Americans  to  a  fu- 
ture which  we  have  since  realized.  "Common  Sense"  was 
read  wherever  people  could  read  ;  in  some  places  with  fear 
and  trembling ;  in  others  with  fear  and  hope.  A  few  ex- 
claimed  at  once,  "Independence  for  America !",  while  the 
large  majority  were  soon  prepared  for  the  arguments  of 
"Common  Sense."  The  scene  at  Albany,  as  described  by 
Rickman,  indicates  the  feeling  that  prevailed  when  this 
bold  pamphlet  was  first  issued.  .  A  perspiration  of  fear 
seemed  to  start  out  all  over  the  land,  but  it  was  soon  suc- 
ceeded by  a  thrill  of  patriotism  that  fired  the  veins  of 
America  until  the  "Common  Sense"  of  Paine  was  vindicated, 
and  the  cry  of  liberty  burst  from  every  foot  of  soil  in  the 
United  States. 

Rickman  says,  "When  *Common  Sense'  arrived  at  Al" 
bany,  the  Convention  of  New  York  was  in  session.  General 
Scott,  a  leading  member,  alarmed  at  the  boldness  and  nov- 
elty of  its  arguments,  mentioned  his  fears  to  several  of  his 
distinguished  colleagues,  and  suggested  a  private  meeting 
in  the  evening,  for  the  purpose  of  writing  an  answer.  They 
accordingly  met,  and  Mr.  McKesson  read  the  pamphlet 
through.  At  first  it  was  deemed  both  necessary  and  expe- 
dient to  answer  it  immediately ;  but  casting  about  for  the 
necessary  arguments,  they  concluded  to  adjourn  and  meet 
again.  In  a  few  evenings  they  assembled,  but  so  rapid  was 
the  change  of  opinion  in  the  Colonies  at  large  that  they 
ultimately  agreed  not  to  oppose  it."  The  popularity  of 
this  work  may  be  imagined  when  we  read  that  not  less  than 
one  hundred  thousand  copies  of  it  were  sold.  When  Paine 
saw  the  great  demand  for  his  work  he  gave  the  copyright 
to  every  State,  declaring  that  what  he  wrote  was  not  for  his 
own  selfish  interest,  but  for  the  good  of  the  world.  When 
we  remember  that  Paine  was  a  poor  man,  and  that  he  could 
have  realized  quite  a  fortune  from  the  sale  of  his  work,  his 
generous  deed  in  giving  to  America  his  thoughts  and  re- 


fusing  the  ordinary  profits  from  their  publication,  shows 
the  measure  of  his  patriotism  and  the  depths  of  the  man. 
On  the  4th  of  July,  1776,  Congress  declared  the  Colonies 
free  and  independent  States,  which  was  within  a  few 
months  after  the  publication  of  "Common  Sense."  Paine 
immediately  volunteered  his  services  to  the  United  States, 
and  enlisted  as  a  private  in  the  army.  He  accompanied 
the  army  of  Independence  as  an  itinerant  writer,  and  the 
first  number  of  the  "Crisis"  was  published  in  December, 
1776,  after  Washington's  defeat  on  Long  Island,  and  after 
the  loss  of  Forts  Washington  and  Lee.  The  army  of  In- 
dependence, so  hopeful  six  months  before,  had  met  only 
loss  and  defeat,  and  it  was  fast  dwindling  away,  and  the 
cause  of  liberty  with  it,  when,  through  the  air  like  a  bugle- 
blast,  sounded  these  opening  words  of  the  first  "Crisis" : 
"These  are  the  times  that  try  men's  souls.  The  summer 
soldier  and  the  sunshine  patriot  will,  in  this  crisis,  shrink 
from  the  service  of  their  country,  but  he  who  stands  it  now 
deserves  the  thanks  of  man  and  woman.  Tyranny,  like 
hell,  is  not  easily  conquered  ;  yet  we  have  this  consolation 
with  us,  that  the  harder  the  conflict  the  more  glorious  the 
triumph."  The  historian  of  the  Revolution  tells  us  that 
this  pamphlet  was  read  to  every  corporal's  guard,  and  that 
the  effect  was  little  less  than  magical.  Hope  and  courage 
were  infused  into  the  ranks ;  deserters  returned,  and  once 
more  the  army,  was  ready  to  face  the  foe.  The  pen  was 
mightier  than  the  sword  in  those  days  of  the  Revolution, 
and  Thomas  Paine,  with  his  brave  words,  was  the  power 
that  kept  the  fire  of  freedom  burning  in  the  hearts  of  the 
people.  The  battle  of  Trenton  was  won  within  a  month 
after  the  first  "Crisis"  was  issued,  and  enthusiasm  filled  the 
country.  Paine  wrote  the  second  number  in  January,  1777, 
congratulating  the  States  upon  the  victory  of  Trenton,  and 
ridiculing  the  proclamation  of  Lord  Howe.  On  the  19th 
of  April  follo'gring,  the  third  number  came  out.  A  few 
days  previous  Paine  had  been  elected  by  Congress  Secre- 


10 


tary  to  the  Committee  for  Foreign  Affairs,  which  office  he 
held  for  two  years. 

In  1780,  when  the  country  was  financially  embarrassed, 
Paine  proposed  to  Congress  the  way  of  relief,  and  the  fol- 
lowing year  he  accompanied  Col.  Laurens  to  Paris,  where 
they  obtained  six  million  livres  as  a  present,  and  ten  mil- 
lions as  a  loan.  Nothing  was  too  hazardous  for  Paine  to 
undertake ;  nothing  to  bold  for  him  to  dare.  There  was  no 
sacrifice  he  would  not  make  for  freedom,  and  the  first  man 
to  step  into  the  breach  of  duty,  the  place  of  sacrifice  dur- 
ing those  "times  that  tried  men's  souls,"  was  Thomas  Paine. 
When  our  country  was  almost  bankrupt,  before  Paine  went 
to  France  ;  when  Washington  feared  the  dissolution  of  the 
army  for  want  of  pay,  Paine  started  a  private  subscription 
with  five  hundred  dollars  (all  the  money  he  had,  including 
his  salary  as  Secretary),  and  raised  over  three  hundred 
thousand  dollars.  Throughout  the  entire  seven  years* 
struggle  his  courage  never  faltered,  his  generous  spirit  nev- 
er flagged ;  and  the  "Crisis"  continued  to  be  published  until 
peace  was  declared,  and  the  prize  of  national  freedom  won 
forever.  At  the  close  of  the  war  Paine  retired  to  Borden- 
town,  where  the  grateful  friendship  of  Washington  found 
him.    The  following  letter  to  Paine  shows  in  what  esteem 

Washington  held  him : — 

"Rocky  Hill,  Sept.  loth,  1783. 
"I  have  learned  since  I  have  been  at  this  place  that  you 
are  at  Bordenrown ;  whether  for  the  sake  of  retirement  or 
economy  I  know  not.  Be  it  for  either,  for  both,  or  what- 
ever it  may,  if  you  will  come  to  this  place  and  partake  with 
me  I  shall  be  exceedingly  happy  to  see  you  at  it.  Your 
presence  may  remind  Congress  of  your  past  services  to  this 
country,  and  if  it  is  in  my  power  to  impress  them,  command 
my  best  exertions  with  freedom,  as  they  will  be  rendered 
cheerfully  by  one  who  entertains  a  lively  sense  of  the  im- 
portance of  your  works,  and  who,  with  much  pleasure,  sub- 
scribes himself,  Your  sincere  friend, 

G.  Washington." 
The  country  did  not  forget  Paine's  services.   Two  years 
after  peace  was  declared  Congress  ordered  the  sum  of  three 


11 


thousand  dollars  to  be  paid  to  Mr.  Thomas  Paine  for  his 
"early,  unsolicited  and  continued  labors"  in  behalf  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  The  Legislature  of  Pennsylva- 
nia gave  him  twenty-five  hundred  dollars,  and  the  Assembly 
of  New  York  voted  him  a  large  estate  at  New  Rochelle. 

Is  it  possible  that  in  one  century  America  has  forgotten 
the  services  of  Thomas  Paine  ?  Can  ingratitude  go  so  far 
as  to  allow  this  man's  name  t©  be  the  sport  and  scorn  of  a 
superstition  ?  America's  debt  to  Thomas  Paine  is  a  debt 
of  justice.  Shall  it  be  paid  now,  or  is  it  too  much  to  ask 
America  to  be  just  while  it  is  Christian  ?  Some  day  our 
nation  is  to  bend  in  humiliation  over  the  dust  of  Thomas 
Paine,  and  ask  forgiveness  of  that  silent  ground  that  holds 
his  ashes,  for  its  cowardly  silence  when  his  name  has  been 
aspersed.  There  is  the  dust  of  a  hero  in  our  soil,  and  in 
future  years  thousands  will  make  a  pilgrimage  to  the  spot 
where  the  marble  shaft  shall  proclaim,  "Here  was  laid  the 
body  of  Thomas  Paine,  the  friend  of  right,  truth  and  man." 

In  1787,  his  work  in  America  being  finished,  Paine  went 
to  England  to  erect  an  iron  bridge  —  which  he  had  invented 
during  his  leisure  time  in  America  —  over  the  river  Wear^ 
partly  at  his  own  expense. 

Shortly  after  the  completion  of  this  enterprise,  Paine 
published  in  England  the  first  part  of  his  great  political 
work,  entitled,  "Rights  of  Man,"  and  in  1791  the  second 
part,  for  which  quite  an  army  of  booksellers,  together  with 
Paine,  were  fined  and  imprisoned.  It  was  the  next  year> 
when  France  was  hastening  forward  to  that  insane  period 
of  her  national  life,  that  Paine  sailed  for  Calais.  He  took 
sides  with  the  oppressed  in  all  lands,  and  he  labored  to  do 
for  religious  liberty  in  France  what  he  did  for  political  lib- 
erty in  America,  and  tried  to  do  in  England.  When  the 
order  of  priesthood  was  abolished  throughout  France, 
Paine  saw  that  the  people  were  in  danger  of  forsaking  all 
religion,  and  he  wrote  his  "Age  of  Reason,"  to  show  that 
the  religion  of  the  priest  was  false,  and  to  point  out  the  way 


12 


to  a  higher  life  than  that  of  the  church,  and  a  better  religion 
than  that  of  the  priest.  The  world  has  not  yet  been  able 
to  appreciate  his  effort. 

Paine  was  elected  a  representative  in  the  national  con- 
vention of  France,  and  took  his  seat  in  the  fall  of  1792. 
It  was  while  in  this  convention  that  his  love  of  mercy 
gained  for  him  the  hatred  of  the  ruling  spirits  of  France, 
and  nearly  cost  him  his  life.  Louis  XVI.  had  been  con- 
demned to  death  by  the  Assembly,  and  Thomas  Paine  rose, 
and  with  a  courage  inspired  by  his  great  love  of  right  and 
justice,  protested  in  the  name  of  liberty  against  the  deed. 
History  has  never  been  called  upon  to  preserve  nobler, 
grander,  manlier  speech  than  the  words  of  Paine  on  that 
occasion.  Facing  enmity,  persecution,  and  perhaps  death, 
yet  caring  more  for  the  right  than  for  himself,  he  cried  out* 
"Destroy  the  King  but  save  the  man  !  strike  the  crown  but 
spare  the  heart !" 

"These  are  not  the  words  of  Thomas  Paine,"  exclaimed 
a  dozen  voices  from  different  parts  of  the  hall.  "They  are 
my  words,"  said  the  brave  man,  and  for  speaking  them  he 
was  thrown  into  a  dungeon,  where  he  lay  for  eleven  months, 
during  which  time  he  was  twice  sentenced  to  the  guillotine, 
but  escaped  almost  by  a  miracle. 

The  first  part  of  the  "Age  of  Reason,"  written  while 
Paine  was  imprisoned,  was  published  in  Paris  in  1795. 
Paine  remained  in  France  until  1802,  when  he  embarked  for 
America.  Seven  years  of  old  age  were  spared  him  in  this 
land,  and  in  1809  he  died  in  Greenwich  Village.  His  re- 
mains were  carried  to  his  farm  in  New  Rochelle,  and  there 
buried. 

Had  Paine,  like  Jefferson,  Adams,  Franklin  and  others 
r-  of  that  period,  suppressed  his  religious  opinions,  his  name 
would  to-day  be  spoken  with  honor  by  those  who  now  speak 
it  with  contempt.  Thomas  Paine  is  hated  to-day,  Tiot  be- 
cause he  was  a  bad  man,  but  because  he  wrote  the  "Age  of 
Reason."     Paine^s  crime  was-  not  against    humanity,  but 


13 

against  the  church.  He  dared  tell  the  truth  in  religion  as 
in  politics.  The  true  way  for  the  Christian  church  to  meet 
Thomas  Paine  is  to  refute  his  arguments,  not  abuse  his 
name.  It  is  easy  to  call  a  man  an  infidel,  but  it  would  be 
more  just  to  show  that  he  is  one.  There  was  that  in  the 
character  of  Thomas  Paine  which  will  endure  when  the 
church  which  has  maligned  him  will  have  no  knee  to  bend 
before  its  altar,  and  no  lips  to  rehearse  its  prayers.  This 
man  spoke  what  was  true  against  the  church's  religion,  and 
that  is  why  the  church  cannot  answer  him.  Paine's  religious 
convictions  must  be  those  of  every  man  who  thinks  for 
himself.  The  Christian  cries  out,  "Tom  Paine  had  no  re. 
ligion."  Not  quite  so  fast,  my  Christian  friend ;  has  a  man 
no  religion  because  he  has  not  yours  ?  We  read  in  this 
much*abused  "Age  of  Reason  "  (and  what  we  read  there  is 
the  language  of  a  man  whose  identity  cannot  be  mistaken) 
"  I  believe  in  one  God,  and  no  more ;  and  I  hope  for  happi- 
ness beyond  this  life. 

"J  believe  in  the  equality  of  man,  and  I  believe  that  re- 
ligious duties  consist  in  doing  justice,  loving  mercy,  and 
endeavoring  to  make  our  fellow-creatures  happy.  The 
word  of  God  is  the  creation  we  behold.  The  world  is  my 
country  ;    to  do  good  my  religion." 

This  is  the  creed  of  the  infidel  Thomas  Paine,  and  if 
every  Christian  church  in  America  were  founded  upon  the 
religious  principles  contained  therein,  there  would  be  less 
unhappiness  in  the  world,  and  a  brighter  look  in  the  faces 
of  men  and  women.  The  Christian  church  has  branded 
Paine  as  an  Atheist.  He  says,  "I  believe  in  one  God  and 
no  more." 

The  Christian  church  has  called  Paine  a  man  without 
religion.  His  religion,  he  said,  was  "  doing  justice,  loving 
mercy,  and  endeavoring  to  make  his  fellow-creatures  happy." 

My  Christian  friends,  let  us  tell  the  truth  about  this  man. 
He  did  not  believe  in  the  Deity  of  Jesus,  but  he  did  believe 
in  God.     He  did  not  accept  the  Bible  as  God's  word,  but  he 


14 


did  accept  God's  creation.  He  did  not  practice  the  hypoc- 
risy of  the  Christian  church,  and  profess  to  believe  what  no 
man  of  common  sense  can  believe,  but  he  practiced  what  he 
believed  to  be  right,  and  believed  what  to  him  was  true. 
Paine's  religion  had  help  in  it,  had  brotherly  love,  kindness 
and  mercy  in  it,  but  it  had  no  damnation  for  those  who  did 
not  accept  it.  That  Paine  had  no  patience  with  the  pro- 
fessing religionist  is  well  known,  and,  that  he  often  indulged 
in  bitter  language  against  the  Christian  church,  is  evidenced 
in  his  works.  He  always  had  a  right  word  for  the  many 
opponents  who  sought  his  conversion,  and  knew  just  how 
to  treat  the  pious  sycophants  and  religious  bores,  that  pes- 
tered honest  people  then  as  they  do  now. 

Passing  through  Baltimore  he  was  accosted  by  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Hargrove,  minister  of  a  new  sect.  "  You  are  Mr.  Paine," 
said  Mr.  Hargrove.  "  Yes  sir."  "  My  name  is  Hargrove,  I 
am  minister  of  the  New  Jerusalem  Church  here.  We,  sir, 
explain  the  scripture  in  its  true  meaning.  The  key  has 
been  lost  above  four  thousand  years,  and  we  have  found  it ! " 
*  Then,"  said  Paine  drily,   "  It  must  have  got  very  rusty." 

It  has  been  iterated  and  reiterated,  especially  by  the 
pulpit,  that  Paine  changed  his  religious  opinions  before  he 
died.  This  is  only  another  of  those  falsehoods  told  by 
parties  who  imagined  they  were  doing  a  service  to  the  cause 
of  truth  by  uttering  it.  We  have  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Amasa 
Wordsworth,  who  was  present  with  him  every  day  for  six 
weeks  before  he  died,  and  stood  by  his  bedside  when  the 
angel  of  death  put  his  cold  arms  around  his  form,  and  he 
declares  that  the  last  words  Paine  ever  spoke  were  these  :  "  I 
have  no  wish  to  believe  on  that  subject,"  in  answer  to  a 
question  put  by  Dr.  Manly,  "  If  he  wished  to  believe  that 
Jesus  Christ  was  the  Son  of  God."  Paine  died  as  he  lived, 
true  to  his  religious  convictions. 

There  was  no  blot  on  the  public  life  of  Thomas  Paine. 
It  was  pure  and  white,  without  spot  or  blemish.  His  pri- 
vate character  was  not  withgutfiome  flaws.     He  was  at  times 


15 

provoked  to  words  and  deeds  that  in  calmer  moments  he 
never  could  have  been  guilty  of.  That  he  was  not  perfect 
in  temper  is  the  testimony  of  his  nurse.  Paine  was  never 
profane,  immoral  or  untruthful.  He  could  not  tolerate  pro- 
fanity, and  falsehood  had  no  friend  in  Thomas  Paine. 

There  is  one  charge  against  Paine  that  his  friends  have 
feared  was  too  true ;  namely,  that  he  drank  intoxicating 
liquors  during  the  latter  part  of  his  life  to  excess.  That 
Paine  used  liquors  in  moderate  quantities,  is  attested  by 
those  who  lived  with  and  knew  him,  but  those  persons 
declare  that  they  never  saw  Paine  intoxicated,  and  that  he 
never  drank  to  excess.  Mr.  Lovett  with  whom  he  boarded 
in  New  York  said,  that  he  drank  less  than  any  boarder  in 
his  house,  and  Mr.  Jarvis,  his  almost  constant  attendant 
for  years,  said  that  Paine  "  did  not  and  could  not  drink 
much."  Drinking  was  not  a  vice  that  marked  an  individual, 
but  one  that  marked  the  times.  Almost  everyone  used  more 
or  less  spirituous  liquors,  and  Paine  was  no  exception  to 
the  men  of  his  age. 

This  slander,  that  Paine  was  a  drunkard,  has  been  ably 
refuted  by  Mr.  Vale,  his  biographer,  who  visited  in  1840 
the  home  of  Paine,  where  all  of  the  old  inhabitants  testified 
that  they  never  saw  Thomas  Paine  worse  for  liquor. 

Drinking  in  the  last  century  was  not  looked  upon  with 
that  degree  of  abhorrence,  with  which  this  age  regards  it,  and 
the  friends  of  Paine  may,  without  fear,  allow  his  life  to  be 
judged  just  as  it  was.  We  know  he  had  failings,  enough 
to  make  him  human,  but  he  was  a  rare  man,  endowed  with 
great  natural  powers,  and  a  sincere  man,  one  who  was  tried 
in  times  when  the  weak  went  to  the  wall,  and  only  the  strong 
could  endure.  Let  us  admit  all  his  faults ;  he  had  fewer 
than  most  great  men.  As  a  man  who  loved  truth,  he  ranks 
with  the  truest ;  as  a  man  who  loved  liberty,  he  has  scarcely 
a  peer ;  and  as  a  man  who  loved  his  fellow-man,  he  stands 
with  the  great  lovers  of  his  race. 

I  venture  to  say,  that  the  men  and  women  who  pronounce 


16 


the  name  of  Paine  with  detestation,  would  be  ashamed  to 
acknowledge  their  ignorance  of  his  life  and  history.  I  also 
venture  the  assertion,  that  if  those  same  men  and  women 
would  read  the  life  of  Paine,  their  prejudice  would  vanish 
their  hate  turn  to  admiration,  and  their  denunciation  to  honor 

Such  honest  and  honorable  public  service  as  Paine  ren- 
dered America  would  adorn  i)ur  nation  with  a  personal 
splendor  that  in  this  age  has  been  sadly  wanting.  Such  a 
religion  as  Paine  had  would  make  our  churches  temples  to 
God  and  truth  which  now  are  on  a  level  with  the  idol-houses 
of  India  and  China. 

America  must  pay  a  tribute  of  respect  to  this  man,  or 
forever  stand  condemned  for  injustice  and  ingratitude  toward! 
one  of  her  braviest  and  noblest  champions. 

It  needs  no  prophet-glance  to  see  that  the  name  of 
Thomas  Paine  is  to  grow  brighter  and  brighter  as  the  years 
wear  away,  and  that  as  superstition  loses  its  hold  upon  the 
mind,  and  the  age  of  reason  dawns  in  the  soul,  this  man  is 
to  be  judged  by  his  fidelity  to  his  opinions,  and  not  by  his 
antagonism  to  the  popular  religion. 

When  in  the  distant  future  the  names  of  those  who 
have  best  served  the  human  race  shall  be  written  on  the 
world's  scroll  of  honor,  that  of  Thomas  Paine  will  be 
written  near  the  head  of  the  list. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED! 

LOAN  DEPT. 

RENEWALS  ONLY— TEL.  NO.  642-3405 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 

Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


APR  16  196969 


RECEIVED 


PR16'69-5PIV 


LOAN  PERT. 


REC'D  ^^ 


:3£^   5-B^-iagi 


SENT  ON  ILL 


MAY  2  5  200^ 


U.C.  BERKELEY 


LD  21A-40m-2,'69 
(J6057sl0)476 — A-32 


General  Library 

University  of  Califgrnia 

Berkeley 


